expanded opportunities for individual enterprise and mobility (a process
still under way), social situations became more complicated, more
ambiguous, and more violative of the traditional rules and behavioral
prescriptions. Since at the same time the basic hierarchical, primary-group
character of the norms prevailed, there emerged strong needs for adjustive
behavior. Enryo became the escape-hatch: in the new ambiguity, behavioral
reserve and noncommitment became the frequent alternative, and the Japanese
manifested such withdrawn, unresponsive behavior in the event that a
particular interpersonal situation lacked clear designation of the statuses
of ego and alter. Much the same situation holds when the Japanese is
overseas. Here, too, his behavior is frequently characterized by enryo—
often concealing confusion and embarrassment over his ignorance of the
social rules of the foreign society. Thus the "shyness" or reserved
behavior often found in Japanese on the American campus can be due either
to the fact that the Japanese views Americans, or certain Americans, as
superior people; or to the fact that he is simply not sure how to behave in
American social situations, regardless of status. The rule goes, when
status is unclear, it is safest to retreat into enryo. This form of
response is most typical of persons socialized in prewar and wartime Japan;
the postwar generation, many of whom have grown up in the more liberal
atmosphere of the Occupation and after, are much more tolerant of
ambiguity.
2. JAPANESE AND AMERICAN PATTERNS OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR
We may now view these normative patterns from a comparative cultural
perspective. A detailed description of the American norms will not be
required, since it may be presumed that the reader has sufficient
familiarity with them. We shall select those American rules of
interpersonal behavior that are "opposites" to the Japanese patterns just
described. In a later section we shall discuss cases of similarity.
There is among Americans a tendency toward an initial egalitarian
response oil the part of "ego": two persons are presumed to be equal unless
proven otherwise. (The Japanese norms contain an opposite premise: when
status is vague, inequality is expected.) In practice this egalitarian
principle in American interpersonal behavior leads to what the Japanese
might perceive as fluidity and unpredictability of behavior-in interaction,
and highly variable or at least less apparent concern for status. Things
like wealth, public versus private situations, and a host of other features
may all in the American case, influence the behavior of ego and alter in
ways which are not subject to predicate codification, Allowance is made
continually for subtle changes in roles of those interacting, with a strain
toward equalization if hierarchical differences appear. Thus, while in
social situations the Japanese may find it difficult to communicate unless
status differences are clear, the American, in view of his egalitarian
preference, may point to and actually experience status difference as a
source of interpersonal tension and difficulty in communication. Thus the
Japanese may see the free flow of communication as enhanced by clear status
understandings; the American may view it instead as requiring maximal
intimacy and freedom of expression.
Finally, reserve or discipline is in some cases much less apparent in
American social behavior. Initially, outward display of feeling is
encouraged, and' reserve may develop after status differences are
recognized. Once again the Japanese may proceed on an approximately
opposite principle: behavioral freedom and expressivity become a
potentiality after statuses are clearly differentiated—especially when
equality is achieved— but not before. Moreover, even when statuses are
clear to the Japanese participants in social relations, interaction often
continues to be hesitant and guarded. (Important institutionalized
exceptions to the general rule of avoidance are found in the frank behavior
tolerated in sake parties, behavior of the male guest and his geisha
partner, and a few others.)
In American interpersonal behavior the patterns of tact,
obsequiousness, and other forms of retiring behavior are seen continually,
but they are often much more situational and idiosyncratic. Americans lack
a concept with the generalized cultural meaning of enryo; reserve may be a
useful form of behavior for some people, but not others, or in some
situations; it may be associated with status differences, or it may not.
And when this reserve is associated with status positions (and in the
presence of hierarchical patterns generally), Americans are likely to
express attitudes of guilt or regret, or are likely to conceal the
existence of such patterns by verbally reaffirming egalitarian principles.
Moreover, some American normative attitudes frown on "manipulative"
tendencies; frankness, openness, and humility are valued highly, if not
always observed. Quotations from interviews with student subjects
(sojourners and returnees) may serve to indicate the Japanese perspective
on their own and the American patterns of interpersonal behavior.
Q.: What did you like about America that you didn't about Japan?
A.: Well, it's hard to give concrete examples, but mainly I was
satisfied with what you might call the smartness of life— the modernness of
things. And also the simplicity and frankness of life. You don't have to
worry about gimu-giri-on [obligations] over there ... In the United States
you have to visit relatives too, but such visits are more personal, more
real— more meaningful. Here in Japan they are for the sake of girt and
righteousness and all that stuff.
Q.: Could you define the term "Americanized" as it is used by
Japanese students?
A.: Well, to be Americanized means to be indifferent to social
position-indifferent to social formality — such as in formal greetings. It
concerns points about how one acts socially.
This is about human relations — it didn't surprise me but it did
impress me very much to find that relations with others are always on an
equal plane in the U.S. In Japan I automatically used polite language with
seniors so that this just seemed natural— and if I used polite words in
Japan I didn't necessarily feel that this was feudalistic— though some do.
At first in the U.S. when young
people, like high school students, talked to me as an equal, I felt
conflicted, or in the dormitory it surprised me to see a boy of 20 talk to
a man of 45 as an equal.
In Japan, my father and some of my superiors often told me that my
attitude toward superiors and seniors was too rude. Here, though, my
attitude doesn't seem rude— at least it doesn't appear as rude as I was
afraid it would. It is easier to get along with people in America, because
for one thing, Americans are not so class conscious and not so sensitive
about things like status. In Japan, my conduct to superiors seemed rude,
but the same behavior isn’t rude here. For instance here it is all right
simply to say "hello" to teachers, while in Japan I would be expected to
say “ohayo gozaimasu" [polite form of "good morning"] with a deep bow. In
Japan I did things like this only when I really respected somebody.
A main problem with me is the problem of enryo, or what you call
modesty. Even in life in America you have to be modest, but in a different
way from the so-called Japanese enryo. But the trouble is that I don't know
when and where we have to show enryo in American life. You never can be
sure.
The good thing about associating with Americans is that you can be
friendly in a light manner. Not so in Japan. Japanese are nosey in other
peoples' business—they rumor, gossip. It gives you a crowded feeling, after
you get back. Of course in Japan friendships are usually deep— it is good
to have a real friend to lean on— you know where you stand with your
friends; it is the opposite of light associations.
I have few American friends— those I have are usually Americans who
have been to Japan. I think the reason is that my character is somewhat
backward.
I don't try to speak first, but let the other fellow open up. Those
who have been to Japan know about this and speak first, and that makes it
easier to start an association.
From the information on contrasting cultural norm and cue systems
supplied thus far, it is possible to predict in a general way that
I when a Japanese interacts with an American, certain blockages to
communication and to the correct assessment of status behavior may occur.
Japanese are likely to confront Americans with unstated assumptions
concerning status differences, while the American may be inclined to accept
the Japanese at face value—that is, as a person, not a status. In the
resulting confusion it may be anticipated that the Japanese will retreat
into what he calls enryo, since this form of behavior involving attenuated
communication is appropriate toward persons of unclear or superior status.
THE NATIONAL STATUS IMAGE
For reasons usually found in the cultural background of the peoples
concerned, and in the historical relations of nations, there is a tendency
on the part of some to view other nations and peoples much as one would
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